Suchergebnisse
Suchergebnisse:
Hello KReddit, i am here to announce that me and Yularen have created this google spreadsheet, where we plan to map out every single Kaiserreich path and the guides on how to get each of them, with the courtesy of Yularen's work on the guides.
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- In-Game Path Guide:
- Starting Situation
- Master of the World
- Elections and Black Monday
- Schleicher Appointed
- Zentrum Succession Crisis
- Ruhrkampf
- Shared Content
- Schleicher Path
Regime of the Red General (Authoritarian Democrat / Paternal Autocrat)
•In the Kabinett Schleicher decision category, ensure that neither the Demokratische Union nor the Koalition Schwarz-Weiß-Rot gain enough seats to start a vote of no confidence. •In the Ruhrkampf, ensure that the Intensity of the uprising does not become lower than 25 or higher than 75 when the repeating mission fires. •In late 1936, Schleicher will pass the Enabling Act and secure control. •Postwar, after the Schleicher Constitution is passed, Schleicher will retire and a new Reichskanzler will succeed him. Depending on his successor, you will remain either Authoritarian Democrat or Paternal Autocrat •In order to get an aligned Zentrum Chairman, have Stegerwald stand firm and the federalists agree to a Triumvirate.
The Victory of Democracy (Social Democrat / Social Conservative)
•In the Kabinett Schleicher decision category, ensure that the Demokratische Union gains enough seats to start a vote of no confidence. •Alternatively, in the Ruhrkampf, ensure that the Intensity of the uprising becomes lower than 25 when the repeating mission fires. •In the postwar elections, you will have the choice of either reelecting the Social Democratic Party or electing the Christian People's Party •In order to get an aligned Zentrum Chairman, have Stegerwald stand firm and the federalists reject the Triumvirate.
The Conservative Revolution (Paternal Autocrat / Authoritarian Democrat)
•In the Kabinett Schleicher decision category, ensure that the Koalition Schwarz-Weiß-Rot gains enough seats to start a vote of no confidence. •Alternatively, in the Ruhrkampf, ensure that the Intensity of the uprising becomes higher than 75 when the repeating mission fires. •The ideology of the German National People's Union, formed postwar, will depend on the balance between the DkP and DVLP. Should the DVLP be dominant, you will remain Paternal Autocrat, and should the DkP be dominant, you will become Authoritarian Democrat. •Do note that the focuses Foster Volkskonservatismus and Abolish Universal Suffrage will guarantee you become Authoritarian Democrat or Paternal Autocrat respectively, regardless of the balance. •In order to get an aligned Zentrum Chairman, have Stegerwald negotiate with the opposition and drop his candidacy, although Zentrum support locks one focus.
For the entire German Empire focus Tree.
The guns fell silent in August 1919 when Germany (and the Central Powers) entered into an armistice with France and the United Kingdom (and the Entente). After five years of brutal, bloody war, Germany stood on top of the world, but just barely, being on the brink of collapse due to the war. But it won, and a treaty officially ending the war was signed at Versailles in November of the same year. Peace with Japan was not signed for another three years, though no fighting actually took place until then.
Germany’s adversaries did not fare as well as: In 1920, France fell after a year-long civil war (partly due to the aftermath of its peace with Germany), and in 1925 the United Kingdom fell as well after a year-long revolution of its own. Russia, having sought peace in 1918, experienced yet another revolution, and though a democratic government came out victorious, the new Republic was a shell of its former self. The United States, though not a participant of the war, actually fared well until 1925 when, as a result of the British Revolution, its stock market crashed, plunging the country into economic turmoil.
Domestically, since the end of the Weltkrieg, political power in Germany has slowly shifted to the democratically elected Reichstag, the basis being the constitutional reforms in March of 1920. Enacted in the aftermath of the Ludendorff Dictatorship (the time when the Supreme Command of the Army led by Erich Ludendorff and Paul von Hindenburg exerted more and more undue influence and control over the civilian government), the reforms, dubbed the March Constitution, transformed Germany into parliamentary monarchy. Changes to the Imperial Constitution included allowing the Reichstag to call a vote of no confidence in the Chancellor, declarations of war and peace treaties now required its consent, and franchise was lowered from 25 to 21. Since the mid-20s, a grand coalition (in the spirit of March 1920), has, with various parties and strengths, governed Germany under a number of different Chancellors. The latest, Herbert von Dirksen, in office since 1934, continues that tradition, though since 1935 has led a minority government after the Liberal People's Party (LVP) left the coalition. Dirksen is only able to led the government as the two ‘permanent opposition’ parties in the Reichstag, the social democrat Social Democratic of Germany (SPD) and paternal autocrat German Fatherland Party (DVLP) won’t call a vote of no confidence in him as each would rather wait for the next election scheduled for April 1936 in hopes to win an outright victory.
Though Germany stands as an ultimate world power, it is not what it used to be. Socialist powers are rising across Europe and the rest of the world, and the German economy has slowed down since the Golden Twenties. Though 1936 is the year it can turn its troubles around, and reassert itself on the world stage, hedging off trouble spots in the world.
The first available focus that can be taken, aptly titled ‘Master of the World’, unlocks the foreign policy tree. The tree itself is grouped by regions of the world:
Through the left-most branch, Germany can support the US in the runup to its eventual civil war. Once the war does break out, with America occupied for the foreseeable future Germany can court the leaders of Central and South America, each with varying prerequisites, to join it’s faction, the Reichspakt.
The next branch concerns Asia, allowing Germany to support the League of Eight Provinces, a state it has heavily invested in, in the eventual League War. This opens up the ability to support its South Asian colony, German East Asia, and later may court the rulers of the Indian subcontinent. The branch also allows Germany to start negotiations with the Ottomans, and those countries in its orbit. Through the Ottomans, Germany can next focus its efforts on the Balkans, South Western Asia, and the Mediterranean.
Another branch deals with the Commune of France. The first focus in it will ask the Commune to renew the Treaty of Metz. The Treaty, signed after it won the French Civil War, holds the Commune to the Treaty of Versailles and demilitarizes its side of the border. The French can save face and agree, lowering world tension, or can publicly deny it and lose war support (the earlier the focus is completed, the more war support it will lose). In an effort to encircle the French, Germany can build up its fortifications on the French border, look to Spain and Austria for mutual help, and will get decisions to invade/align unfriendly northern and eastern neighbors.
The penultimate branch concerns espionage. •Operation: Eluen will mobilize local Catholics against the Commune. (Eluen, German for owls, is a reference to the Chouans (Old French for Owl), an anti-revolutionary group led by the Cottereau brothers, better known by their nom de guerre, the Chouan brothers.
For a full list of Election and BM events.
Almost immediately after the start of the new year, German markets will be rocked by the assassination in Moscow: Alexander Kerensky, the Chairman of the Senate of the Russian Republic. Quick action by stock brokers and bankers prevented an outright crash, but the volatility will shake investor confidence.
The volatile market is a backdrop to the upcoming political event: the 1936 elections scheduled for three months time. Players will be given the choice to play as one of the opposition parties, the SPD or DVLP, and over the next three months attempt to secure an election victory for it. The SPD and the LVP will form the Demokratische Union (Democratic Union, DU), while the DVLP and its ally, the DkP (German Conservative Party), will form the Schwarz-Weiß-Rot (Black-White-Red, SWR)
Available immediately are five decisions (but only three may be chosen) affecting the projected seat count in the Reichstag. If playing as the SPD, choosing to ‘Stand Joint Candidates with the Left-LVP’ will strengthen the LVP’s left wing, and will be beneficial to the SPD later on if it takes power.
With the election underway, more problems will arise on the economic front: as the recent volatile market never quite corrected itself. In the beginning of February, distressing news will come out of Asia detailing both corruption in German East Asia, and growing instability in the League of Eight Provinces, threatening German investments in the region. Investors will respond by pulling out of the affected companies left and right, selling off government bonds. On Sunday, February 2nd, the government will try to ease investor fears by changing the Reichsbank’s credit line, and pausing the German Mark’s convertibility to gold.
When the market opens the next day, February 3rd, it just won't sink... it will plunge! Dubbed Black Monday, the economic shock of the Berlin Market Crash will reverberate around the world. The Dirksen government will do what it can, but it won’t be enough, and the effects of the crash will get worse and worse over the next two months, until bottoming out at the end of March.
No matter what the Reichstag seat outcome is come the April elections no party will have gained a majority. Kaiser Wilhelm II will, on advice of his son, appoint the first military man as Chancellor in decades, Prussian Minister of War Kurt von Schleicher. A moderate with ties to left and right, he is an ardent trade union supporter, gaining him the nickname the Red General.
In his first speech as Chancellor, Schleicher and the Cabinet will back a new law changing the way a no confidence vote in the government can be initiated. Before the Chancellor is removed from office, a candidate for the Chancellorship must already have the support of a majority of the Reichstag. This new law will ensure Schleicher can not be ousted so soon since, owing to the current composition of the Reichstag, the parties will not be able to agree on a single candidate.
‘Owing to the current composition’ is the key here. The ‘permanent opposition’, the SPD and DVLP, will each start to reach out to other parties in the Reichstag to get to the magic number of 223 seats (50%+1 majority) to successfully oust Schleicher and replace him with their candidate. This is where the next mini-game comes into play (and also opens up the Black Monday recovery tree).
The parties with their respective seat allotment from the elections are shown in the decision tab. The LVP and Zentrum are broken down into their factions, the LVP having a left and right wing, and Zentrum having a left, right, and center wing.
•Normally the LVP seats will be split evenly between the two wigs, but if the left wing was boosted by taking the SPD election decision, Stand Joint Candidates with Left-LVP, about two-thirds will join it instead.
•Zentrum’s are allocated in mostly the same way. The wing strengthened through the election event On Ecumenism will receive 40% of the seats, while the other wing and the center will receive 30% each.
By the end of May 1936, Zentrum will find itself in a succession crisis when Chairman Theodor von Guérard announces his resignation. His departure spells ill for Schleicher as during the party’s convention to elect a new Chairman, no Zentrum faction can be flagged by the government.
Trade unionist and leader of Zentrum in the Reichstag Adam Stegerwald will be nominated by the Party as Guérard’s replacement. His candidacy is not without opposition, as many would only accept him if he gives up his leadership position in the Reichstag.
•He may negotiate with the detractors, who will propose that the Chairmanship be split into a Triumvirate, with himself, Josef Joos and Hugo Mönnig.
•If Stegerwald agrees, the convention will reject it, and Joos, Mönnig end up running against him. Joos will drop out while the southern Catholics will nominate another candidate, Fritz Schäffer. With the three men on the ballot the election will deadlock. After negotiations, Stegerwald will be kept as Zentrum leader in the Reichstag, while the party will share leadership, with Mönnig at its head. Zentrum will be aligned to no faction. (Schleicher will be able to flag one less party per turn to protect it from joining the DU or SWR)
•If Stegerwald refuses he will drop out of the race. The Triumvirate will go ahead with a replacement for Stegerwald, but it will be rejected by the convention. Fritz Schäffer will announce his candidacy, and easily win against Joos and Mönnig. Zentrum will be aligned with the SWR. (Schleicher will be able to flag one less party per turn to protect it from joining the DU or SWR)
•If Stegerwald stands firm, federalists in the party will balk at his candidacy, as it risks splitting the party. The Party’s board will suggest a Triumvirate as a compromise, with Joos, Mönnig, and the Vice-Chancellor under Dirksen, Heinrich Brüning.
If it’s not bad enough the new Chancellor has to deal with an economic catastrophe, and two hostile factions of the Reichstag seeking his ousting, another new challenge will appear at the end of June: the Ruhrkampf (or Ruhr Campaign). Spurred by Black Monday, the suppression of the socialist movement, and instability of the central government, a general strike in the Ruhr will be called.
The insurgency can actually work out to Chancellor Schleicher’s advantage. This will be his chance to secure power and rid himself of the DU and SWR’s power to remove him. The Ruhrkampf (or Ruhr Campaign) must be strung along without it getting too strong or too weak until November, but it requires a delicate balance.
Every 25 days the Intensity of the Ruhrkampf will increase by 10. If at the end of a turn Intensity is below 25, the Kaiser will dismiss Schleicher and appoint a DU government. Likewise, if Intensity is above 75 when the turn ends, the Kaiser will dismiss Schleicher and appoint a SWR government. But if a DU or SWR government came to power this way rather than by a vote of no confidence, the country’s base stability will take a hit.
In addition to Intensity Increasing each round, the end of a Black Monday turn may also raise or lower it. If Investment and Stability is greater than Stagnation and Economic Decline, Intensity will decrease by 10; if one is higher and one lower, no change will occur; and if both are lower Intensity will decrease by 10.
At the Ruhrkampf start, three, one-time decisions are available, each decreases Intensity by 15. Additional decisions to both increase and decrease the Intensity (as well as the decision to end it) will be made available once the focus Escalate the Ruhrkampf has been completed.
Some associated events will also affect the Intensity. For example, a little under a month from the Ruhrkampf’s start, if the focus Querverbindung was completed, or if the DU ousted Schleicher, friendly unions will come out against the strike, lowering its Intensity. If Schleicher is still in office and the focus is not completed, Intensity will NOT raise.
Mitteleuropa
Mitteleuropa, officially the Central European Economic Union, is an economic alliance established by Germany at the end of the Weltkrieg. The Mitteleuropa tab is not immediately available upon game start, only opening up on New Year’s Day 1937. Every 180 days the Mitteleuropa Conference will be held where delegates from the member states will meet and enact the Agenda chosen by the Mitteleuropa President (initially held by Germany). Throughout the 180 days, member states can choose and support one of various types of Agendas. It could be anything from the building of a civilian factory, to financial injections into the economy, or even getting Imperial German experts to help with arms productions. Support comes in the form of the country’s Agenda Score, based on the number of controlled factories it has. The Score can be increased by spending PP, as only the top three Agendas can be chosen from once the 180 days are up. The winning Agenda, chosen by the Mitteleuropa President, will apply to each and every member state in Mitteleuropa. For Agendas that apply to a state, the one shown when hovering over the available Agenda might not be the one it applies to. Setting the Agenda and hovering over it in the Most Supported Agenda section will show exactly which state it applies to. Also, once a month an Agenda can be changed if desired. Not available to the President of Mitteleuropa for obvious reasons, a member state may use their Agenda to call for a new shakeup in leadership and have itself installed as the new President. When the tab unlocks, so does the Mitteleuropa tree. There are two paths, one shared by Schleicher and the SWR, and one for the DU, which contrast greatly. The foci in the tree will unlock more Agendas that can be voted on, some need to be passed to progress down the tree, and will improve the Mitteleuropa national spirit. •Schleicher and the SWR will increase German control over the bloc, passing favorable resolutions and acts. •Once the 2WK is over, Germany can achieve total control over the Mitteleuropa states by demanding their submission, turning them into puppets. Germany won’t retaliate if a member says no, but if the member was a former puppet, it will gain a war goal. •The DU will expand democratic pluralism in the bloc, evening the playing field for the other states at the expense of Germany. •Once the 2WK is over, the government will call a conference in Munich to apply the democratic reforms it brought to the bloc to the world. The goal is an international arbitrator, the Union of Nations, which will put an end to war once and for all. •Every country in the world will receive the invitation, but socialist countries will be less likely to join. For each nation that joins, they will receive a national spirit, which among other things, will increase the time to justify a war goal. Germany on the other hand, will receive a dynamic national spirit decreasing the time it can justify by 1% for each member of the Union.
Direction of the Military
Along with the Mitteleuropa tab, which unlocks on January 1, 1937, the military tree will also unlock a few days later. It can be broken down into five branches: •Foci that reforms the army on the left (Yearning for Cannae) (Cannae being the Battle of Cannae where Hannibal encircled and annihilated a much larger Roman army.) The branch focuses on mobile units, tanks, motorized, mechanized, etc… •A dynamic branch in the middle unique to each of the three political paths (more on those below). •A branch on the right that deals with industry (Establish the W-System) (The W-System will designate certain factories W-plants, to produce solely military products.) From the W-System two more branches will be available: •The Air Force branch. Choosing who to promote to Commander of the Luftstreitkräfte (Air Combat Forces), by focus, will decide which sector of the air force the government will invest in. •Taking the focus The Operational Air War promotes Walther Wever, who will focus on long range bombing. •Taking Shattering Swords will promote Wolfram von Richtofen, who will focus on close air support and fighters. •Taking Destruction of Will will promote Robert Knauss, who will focus on strategic bombers. •The naval branch. There are two visions the government can endorse: •Wolfgang Wegener who supports an aggressive fleet that will defeat the syndicalists in an open battle in the North Sea. Supporting him, by taking the focus Wegener Doctrine, will allow for the building of a heavy battleship called the H-Class. •Erich Raeder supports a double-pole approach with an emphasis on carrier task groups, focusing German sea power not just in the North Sea but worldwide. Supporting him, by taking the focus Raeder Doctrine, will allow for the building of an aircraft carrier, the Graf Zeppelin. Each leader, be it Schleicher, the SWR, or the DU, has allies in the military, with very different goals. Each of them has a certain hold (grip) over the military, which is used to take a focus in their branches. Grip can be increased through taking repeatable decisions, at the cost of PP. •Schleicher is allied to Die Fronde (The Revolt). Led by General Max Bauer, a contemporary of General Ludendorff, it believes in the total mobilization of the state to rally the largest army it can to outlast its enemy. With their support, Schleicher will centralize the branches of the armed forces into the Imperial Defence Force, or the Wehrmacht. •The SWR is allied to the Altgardisten (Old Guard). They want to keep the status quo, fiercely protective of their autonomy and traditions. The Altgardisten are not a faction as much as Die Fronde is, but can be considered the conservative establishment. •The DU is allied to the Reformisten (Reformists). As the name implies, seek to transform the Heer into a professional fighting force, building upon the reforms of the late Hans von Seeckt, former Chief of the German General Staff. With its support, the DU will create a centralized Reichskriegsamt (Imperial War Office) to coordinate the various states’ armed forces, who will be reorganized into a singular Deutsche Streitkräfte (German Armed Forces).
Unpreparedness
When war comes (be that with Russia or the Commune) Germany will be caught off guard. This will play out with a national spirit given at the onset of war called Lacking Preparedness. It starts out with a base of -10%, and is increased or decreased through player action up to the start of the 2WK. The full list can be seen below: •-4% if >150% debt •-4% if >180% debt •-4% if >199% debt •-4% if in a failstate (Goerdeler, Lejeune-Jung, Schwander) •-2% if has not finished either: Railway Nationalization (Schleicher), Deutsche Reichsbahn (SPD), or Military Railways (common) •-1% if has not finished Yearning for Cannae •-1% if has not finished The Second Einkreisungstheorie •-1% if has not finished Expand Kriegsschulen •-1% if has not finished either: Prepare for Wide Front Operations or Vanquish French Fortifications •-1% if has not finished Establish the W-System •-1% if has not finished Industriewerke Network •-1% if has not finished either: Expand Rifle Testing in WaPrüf-II, Develop Self-Propelled Artillery or Expand the HWA Automotive Section •-2% if has not finished either one of the three air doctrine starting focuses •-2% if has not finished either one of the three naval doctrine starting focuses •-1% if finished less than 10 industrial decisions •-2% if finished less than 5 industrial decisions •+2% if done decision War Preparedness Act (SPD) •+2% for the focus The National Defense State (Schleicher), and +1% for each focus in the Schleicher Wehrstaat focus branch
Post-Enabling Act
After the passage of the Enabling Act, Schleicher will be safe to start implementing his vision: Die Neuen Staates (The New State), ie. the centralization of Germany. This will put him in direct conflict with the federal states who don’t wish to see their beloved autonomy erased. But assuming he overcomes that hurdle, no part of society will be safe. Trade unions will be organized into a national Trade Union Confederation (Gewerkschaftsbund), and membership in unions will be compulsory. The railroads will be nationalized and merged to form the Deutsche Reichsbahn; Heer liaisons will be posted to state governments to cooperate policy in favor of the central government; the Prussian Secret Police will be nationalized and given authority over the whole of the Empire, not just Prussia; the powers and privileges of the Reichstag, and will cooperate with big business to implement a doctrine of National Autarky. Schleicher’s pinnacle accomplishment will be the mediatisation (territorial restructuring) of Prussia. The Reichsland-Lösung (Reich Territory Solution), will see its state government abolished and administered directly by the Imperial Government. (If the focus of the same name is completed after the 2WK’s Schleicher Constitution, the rest of the Empire will be subjected like Prussia to a smaller extent. If it was completed before, The Schleicher Constitution will subjugate the rest of the states.) Ever since the Chancellor came to power in the wake of the 1936 elections, his supporters have called on him to officialize his movement into an actual political movement, though he was never warm to the idea. Times have changed and he will give his blessing to the founding of the German National Unity Front (Deutschnationale Einheitsfront, DNEF). Though in keeping with his independent position, Schleicher will not become a member of the party, but will shape its direction and ideology.
Bavarian Nullification Crisis
Opposed to Schleicher at almost every turn is the government of Bavaria (under Minister-President Heinrich Held), the second largest state in the Empire, and the most to lose with Schleicher’s centralization program. There are six instances where Bavaria will bring Schleicher’s ‘gross violations of the Constitution’ to the Bundesrat (as it, though compared to an upper house of a legislature), the country’s highest constitutional court. The Bundesrat is composed of representatives of the country's member states; Prussia holds the largest vote share at 17, Bavaria second with six, and the rest of the states with four votes or less each. The six instances are the completion of even one of the following five foci: Nationalise the Railways, Doctrine of National Autarky, Military Oversight of State Governments, Nationalise the Prussian Secret Police, or Break Down the Rules of Legislation. The sixth is a failsafe to make sure the Crisis occurs if none of those foci were yet completed: in December 1937 Schleicher will push through the next year’s budget using the Enabling Act, declaring it an ‘emergency budget’. No matter what the Chancellor does to infuriate Bavaria, it will take its case to the Bundesrat, the first time a state has sued the Imperial government in this way. If Schleicher is the M-P of Prussia, the Bundesrat will find no violations in his actions, or if he is not the M-P it will pass a token resolution but will take no action against him. Undaunted, Bavaria will declare that all the ‘illegal’ laws proclaimed using the Enabling Act will not be recognized in the Kingdom of Bavaria and will not be enforced within its borders. The Bavarian Nullification Crisis will begin. Every action Schleicher has taken up to this point will be scrutinized, including the next step. He may negotiate with Bavaria to resolve it, but the talks will go nowhere (though Schleicher will be seen in a slightly better light having tried negotiating). His Cabinet will meet to discuss how to handle the Nullification. First, the Reichstag could pass an act declaring the Enabling Act a piece of Constitutional Law, preventing it or acts from it from being ignored and declared illegal by the states. Second, with enough support, the Bundesrat can pass another Reichsexekution and remove Held’s government, replacing it with a temporary government appointed by Berlin. What the Cabinet will decide on is a combination of the two: the Reichsexekution, but also an amendment to the Enabling Act allowing the Imperial Government to outright dismiss any state government that does not follow the terms of an Imperial law (bypassing the need for another Reichsexekution in specific cases). It will just need to secure the support of a majority of the Bundesrat to make it happen. Instead of fighting, Schleicher can just admit defeat and resign from all offices effective immediately. Close ally Carl Goerdeler will be appointed Chancellor. Goerdeler will enter into negotiations with Bavaria, which will bear fruit. Many Enabling Act laws will be overturned, the Bundesrat will have veto power over laws passed under it, and the government will no longer be able to use the Act to infringe on a state’s autonomy.
Agrarian Crisis
Germany has been in an agriculture crisis since the late 1920s, and Black Monday only exacerbated the underlying problems. Add an ineffective State Secretary of Agriculture who has only alienated business and trade unionists alike, and the situation can get much, much worse. To combat this Schleicher will reshuffle the Ministry, appointing a new Secretary and Under-Secretary. Two names are on his short list: •Gunther Gereke, a conservative expert on agriculture policy, working alongside the liberal Fritz Baade. Baade is a fellow agrarian expert but also a rewound economist, who led the reformation of the SPD’s agrarian policy in the 1920s. Gereke would be appointed the State Secretary, while Baade the Under-Secretary. Gereke-Baade would bring to the Ministry a clean break from the policies of the old Secretary, with a new and innovative approach due to their cross party reach. •Hermann von Lüninck, on the other hand, a Catholic agricultural functionary from the Rhineland, represents the old order but with a pragmatic twist. Lüninck’s vision involves close cooperation between agriculture and industry, and the bringing together of the largest Protestant and Catholic agricultural unions in a cautious yet firm approach to break the dominance of the eastern Junkers.
The main pre-war focus path is to deal with the aftermath of Black Friday. This is done through the Garner-Wagner Bill focus, which can either pass or fail. The bill passing will begin the economic recovery, most notably allowing the US to build factories again, and leads to focuses to form new government agencies with their headquarters in ...
Poland can peacefully unify with the southern Poles who live in the Austrian Empire/Galicia and Lodomeria in two of its paths, both which the same set of events. The Mar Lib MKP can take the focus ‘Unite the Poles,’ while the Soc Dem PPS/Soc Lib PSL can take the focus ‘Union with Krakow.’
Have Sinn Féin win the 1937 elections, keeping Collins as leader in the event. Successfully balance German and British Influence in the Gateway to the Atlantic mechanic. Sinn Féin will have an easier election campaign with at least partial success in the Ulster Comes First mechanic.
